Why the IRA Lost The Irish Civil War 1922-1923 (4K Documentary)

The long and bloody guerrilla war in Ireland between the Irish Republican Army and the British army finally came to an end in January

1922

. But the division of the island of the Peace Treaty was more than controversial: the new Irish state has only a few months when it descends to the

civil

war. The Anglo-Irish war of 1919-1921 saw the Irish Republican Army fight against the British army and the Local Police in the cause of Irish independence of Great Britain. Backed by the Republican Party of Sinn Fein, IRA used guerrillas to ambush the police patrols, kill officials and degrade British power.

The British responded by First Great War Veterans to the Black and Bronze Paramilitary Police, introducing martial law and taking energetic measures with brutal reprisals. By 1921, the IRA was close to the point of rupture and the public support of the United Kingdom for war was weaker than ever. A truce ended the fight, followed by a controversial peace treaty signed in early

1922

. The Angloirlandic treaty included many contentious articles. Ireland would not become an independent republic, but would remain in the British empire as a free state. Six counties largely Protestants in the northeast of Ireland would be divided and remain in the United Kingdom, while the members of the Irish Parliament, the Dáil, would have to make an oath of loyalty to the king.

The treaty had also been signed in controversial circumstances. Eamon de Valera, the president of the self -proclaimed Irish Republic, did not attend the negotiations in London and directed the opposition to the treaty. Leading the support to the treaty was Michael Collins, a popular figure in the Republican movement. He said the treaty was not perfect, but it was a springboard for full independence later. In the end, the Irish Parliament approved the peace agreement in a very close vote, and of Valera resigned. Then, Ireland had a peace treaty and partial independence, but its political and military leadership now divided bitterly into two factions: the pro and anti-treatment.

The pro-treatment established the provisional government in Dublin and wanted to implement the treaty quickly. They claimed that they had an overwhelming public support, and although anti-tried politicians blocked a plebiscite on the subject, 24 of the 26 municipalities in southern Ireland approved resolutions in favor of the treaty. The founder of Sinn Fein, Arthur Griffith, now became president, and the president of Collins of the provisional government. The anti-trratos led by De Valera refused to accept the new government, claiming that he had no authority to dismiss the Republic that had been announced in the increase in Easter in 1916. The anger was also divided into pro and anti-tried factions.

Much of the experienced leadership of the general headquarters supported the treaty, but the GHQ with headquarters in Dublin had limited control of the units angry in the field. Of the 16 Iralanda commands in Ireland, only 5 totally or largely supported the treaty: the southwest region of Munster soon became the Anti -Treaty heart. Tensions increased, and violence among rival groups was barely avoided in February 1922. The division into anger was exacerbated even more when the provisional government created an official armed forces, the National Army. The army was based on the British model of a conventional force, and the pro-treatment tried to portray it as the successor of the anger.

In March, the anti-tried forces celebrated a series of prohibited anger conventions and formed a new separate army executive from the national army. With approximately two thirds of the Ira represented brigades, the Executive said he would no longer respond to Dublin. The new group chose the first commander of the South Division, Liam Lynch, as its leader. That does not mean that all the cooperation of anger stopped. The anti and pro-tried leaders, including Lynch and Collins, continued working together in the Northeast divided until April 1922. Both factions made plans for a unified offensive against British control, but never acted.

Then, when Irish rival governments and armies formed, the British quickly and silently abandoned the territory of the future Irish free state. The British who came out delivered barracks and equipment to any anger brigade that controlled the region, and often the British left a power vacuum. The law and order in Ireland quickly began to suffer after the British forces left. Sectary violence, agrarian agitation, strikes, robberies and looting became more common. The Republican unit had maintained peace largely during the Angloirlands war, but this began to crumble. Minister Pr-Ratey, Kevin O'Higgins, described the difficult position of the provision Jarra of rivals, the justice system. " (Coogan 30) The Civil War conversation was also becoming more frequent, even from the former president of Valera in March: "The treaty ... prohibited the path to independence with the blood of other Irish.

It was only for a

civil

war after this would obtain their independence ... if you do not fight today, you will fight tomorrow; and I say, when you are in a good position of struggle." (Irish Independent 3/3/3/22) Some members of the IRA executive, led by Rory O'Connor, decided to act while the provisional government was weak. On April 14, around 180 men from Brigade No. 1 of Dublin occupied the four courts in Dublin, the most important judicial building in the nation. Memories clearly from Easter in 1916, the movement was designed to undermine the authority of the pro -treatment in its capital, and perhaps cause British reaction, which could gather anger against its mutual enemy.

At the same time, however, Valera and Collins tried to reconcile. Both suggested to present a unified Sinn Fein in the next June elections, but the plan soon broke in the middle of the suspicion of both sides. The British said that it was equivalent to refuting the treaty. When the results of the elections arrived on June 16, Sinn Fein, Pr-Rateaty Fein, won a convincing victory, with 58 seats for the 32 of the anti-tried. Great Britain now pressed the provisional government to end the occupation of the four courts, which had been happening since April. Then, on June 22, two armed men IRA, both former soldiers in the British army, murdered the British seafood Sir Henry Wilson in London.

The British government declared that if the Irish provisional government could not impose order, the British forces would return to Ireland and do so. Winston Churchill made clear his position in the House of Commons: "The presence in Dublin of a band of men who designed themselves. How to have been formally raped." (Coogan 36/37) With the missing British but threatening to return, and the four courts still occupied by Anti-tried, the new National Army of the Provisional Government of Ireland issued an ultimatum on June 28, 1922: if the occupants did not leave, the army would open fire. During its two -month occupation, the IRA had done little to strengthen the four courts by building or developing defenses, partly because of a desire not to cause the National Army.

There were also no plans to help the garrison if it was attacked, and did not occupy the surrounding buildings. Ira leader Ernie O'Malley estimated that he needed 70 more men to completely defend the great building. Even so, the anger was armed with rifles, automatic weapons, mines and "The Motineer", a Rolls -Royce armored car. In the early hours of June 28, Major General Emmet Dalton of the National Army issued an ultimatum to the four occupants of the courts: delivery or bombardment of his 18 -pound field weapon supplied by the British. The IRA refused, and so at 4.30 a.m., after a ruling ruling rectified by a kick, the National Army shot the first projectiles in the four courts: the Irish civil war had begun.

When the bombing began, the national army's troops cordoned off the area and investigated closer, but their inexperience began to show. They were reluctant to assault the building and the British general Nevil Macready suggested that the artillery was more useful as a moral reinforcement than a real weapon: “I agreed to send fifty shod An hour at night. (Hopkinson 120) British official Alfred Cope was equally impressed with the fight: "It is not a battle. Rory is in the four courts. The free state are in the opposite houses, each shooting the other hundreds of rounds with probably few blows. A few hundred yards away, people carry in their ordinary businesses." (Cottrell 165) The next day, the IRA tried to relieve the garrison of the four courts outside Dublin, but the efforts were poorly organized and blocked by the National Army.

But, a smaller group of anger could occupy several hotels along O'Connell Street, later called "The Block". They soon joined them anti-tried leaders, including Valera, former Minister of Defense, Cathal Brugha and Lynch. However, these new positions could do little to support the four courts. On June 30, the National Army troops broke into the four courts with fixed bayonets. During the brief fight that followed, a great explosion damaged public archives, destroying hundreds of years of Irish records. There is debate on whether this was deliberately caused by anger mines, or ammunition are beaten by artillery. In any case, the explosion marked the surrender of the four courts.

The National Army now resorted to the block, where the moral of the anger fighters as Emmet Humphreys weakened: "We were increasingly frustrated by the fact that we were not achieving anything at all." (Hopkinson 124) Some Ira men talked about falling as martyrs, but few were excited. Instead, from Valera and others were smuggled from the city before "The Block" surrendered on July 5. Brugha, however, accused the street where the national army's troops shot him. The assault of the four courts was a disaster for anger. 12 of the 16 members of the Executive were there, and Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows, Tom Barry and others were arrested.

Liam Lynch was captured, but then he was released with the promise that he would not continue the fight, a promise that he soon broke. The occupation had not resulted in an increase in public support or sympathy for the Republican movement. 65 combatants and civilians were killed, and 281 injured. Perhaps the most important thing is that the battle of Dublin clarified the civil conflict: now it was the Irish free state versus the Irish Republicans. The free state had defeated Republicans in the four courts, but the Irish civil war was far from ending. Despite the four court debacle, the anger still seemed to have the military advantage.

In July, the Free State announced an expansion of the National Army to 35,000 men, but many of these were young and raw recruits attracted by regular salary. The Dublin Guard, composed of Ira veterans and former Dublin riflers, would become the national army's shock troops. But what was lacking in experience to the National Army, compensated for fire. Great Britain provided the Army of the Free State Rifles, Lewis guns, revolvers, grenades, machine guns, artillery, trucks, armored cars and airplanes. The Free State Government also instructed the media to reinforce it as the legitimate government: "the army must always be called" Irish army ", the" national army ", the" national troops "or simply" troops. "The irregular forces should not be called as the executive forces or described as" forces "or" troops ".

They must be called" bands "or" bodies ". (Kissane 81/82) The free state estimated that around 12,900 IRA fighters were still active, especially in the southwest. Many of these were veterans of the Angloirlandic war, although their quality had been diluted by the newcomers after the truce, and only had one rifle for every two men. However, three quarters of the country could be considered anti-treatment territory, and the divisions will go larger and more experienced, the first and second southern, were strongly anti-tried. Given the weakness of the IRA, Lynch ordered his units back to his homemade territory to take care of the barracks and pro-tried villages.

But some anger leaders like Séumas Robinson told Lynch that he was beingCaute: "Liam ... It is absurd to remain in their own areas, since they will take it on foot." (Hopkinson 129) Actually, there was little central control over the forces of anger. In July, the National Army began to advance to prevent a rival government from forming in Munster. The IRA left Wexford County, and Lynch tried to form a defensive line that spread from Limerick to Waterford. But the line was an illusion: there were few defensive positions, and the anger rarely disputed it. On July 20, the National Army captured Limerick after a brief battle, breaking the communications between the anger in Munster and El Norte.

Waterford fell shortly after, followed by Westport, Carrrick, Redmondstown and Clonmel in early August. Ira's successes were limited to cleaning the cities of Skibbereen and readywel of their pro-treatment garrisons. In most cases, the IRA retired in front of the overwhelming fire power, and only fought battles thrown around the towns of Brroree and Killmallock. In early August, General Dalton changed his strategy to focus on the weak coastal defenses of IRA. On August 8, the national army's troops landed in Union House and Yougal in amphibious assaults, which were deviations for the main landing in the passage of the west, near Cork.

The exhausted anger fighters like Frank O'Connor fought to mount Coherent Undefense: "Technically, a landing from the sea is supposed to be one of the most difficult military operations, but when driving the defense was a walk." (Cottrell 181) On August 10, the National Army took the strength of Cork Ira, followed by the last military base of Ira in Fermoy. After a series of victories from the National Army, the so -called Munster Republic was over and some men of anger began to talk about surrendering. Instead, Lynch ordered his forces to form flying columns and perform guerrillas. This was a return to his old methods and led to new successes.

On August 22, 1922, Michael Collins toured the southwest regions recently captured by the National Army despite colleagues' warnings. Officially he went to inspect the troops, but oral evidence suggests that he wanted to begin peace conversations with anger. In the early hours, Collins and General Dalton left Cork in a convoy that consisted of a motorcycle explorer, a Crossley tender, a tour car and a armored car on the rear. When he passed through the Béal Na Mbláth Valley, the convoy asked for instructions to a place. Without the knowledge of Collins, the place was also a Ira Sentry, who recognized Collins and informed his unit.

Assuming that the convoy could use the same route to return, the anger blocked the road with a car and extracted it to prepare the ambush. But at 8 p.m., the convoy had not returned, and most of the ambush party went. Five men remained to dismantle the blockade, but just when they started, the convoy arrived. Ira's men launched an impromptu ambush. Dalton told Collins to lead directly, but instead, Collins ordered his men to fight. The resulting shooting lasted 30 minutes, during which the armor of the armored car was stuck. Towards the end of the skirmish, Collins got up from the deck with his rifle in his hand and was shot fatally through the neck.

He was the only victim of both sides. The death of Michael Collins is perhaps the most controversial moment of the Irish civil war, and who shot the fateful bullet is still very debated. The most common suspect is Ira Man and former British army shooter Sonny O'Neill, but there are other theories. Some Republican historians suggest that he was killed by his own entourage, even by Dalton himself, because Collins wanted to make peace. Some have said that Valera established the coup, and others point to the Scottish gunner in the armored car of the National Army, since he then joined the anger.

Many of these theories emerged for the first time long after the event, based on statements from people who were not there at that time. In any case, Collins, the most influential of pro-treatment, was dead. Then, the free state had

lost

its leaders, but the National Army still had the advantage, and now energetic measures were made against the Ira stronger than ever. W.T Cosgrave replaced Collins as president of the provisional government. Originally, the British doubted the Civil Cosgrave, but soon proved to be a willing commander. Collins had been largely reluctant to instigate harder policies against anger, many of which were his former colleagues.

Cosgrave would have few reserves of this type. As of August, the war began to resemble the Anglo-Ilandic conflict that had come before, a reality, General Dalton acknowledged: "Now they have adopted a type of war, of which they have years of experience. Now they operate on territory they know. They are better armed and better trained than against the British. The British. " (Hopkinson 174) Only in August, the National Army

lost

58 men in ambush of anger, and now it became more difficult to return the return to the Ira groups. When the war began to resemble an insurgency, the national army's troops were frustrated.

Often, the anger fired the first volley in an attack, kill or injured the soldiers and then surrendered immediately before the National Army could go back. In such circumstances, the commanders reported that it was difficult to prevent their troops from executing prisoners. The pressure mounted on coast to allow the official execution of fighters captured as a deterrent element of such tactics. The result, in October, was the army resolution (special powers). Allowed the military to establish special courts, try alleged anger combatants and execute them if necessary. Chief Commander Richard Mulcahy had a blunt message for the Irish Parliament: "Life should be taken, if necessary, and it is the responsibility of the Government to say that it must be taken." (Enright 26) The Catholic Church also lent its support.

The captured anger fighters had to deny communion, and an official pastoral one made it clear the position of the Church: "The guerrillas war that is now carried out by the irregular is without moral sanction; and, therefore, the slaughter of national soldiers in the course of their murder before God." (Kissane 89) In response, Lynch ordered the murder of all the parliators who voted for the resolution. But the attacks were immediately answered by the execution team. In November, the first executions based on the resolution were carried out. Finally, high -ranking republican figures such as Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows and Erskine Childers were allegedly executed in response to anger attacks.

The brutal government policy seemed to work, since Lynch abandoned her murder attempts in December. The government resolution also allowed official reprisals, which also became increasingly common. Dublin's guard won a spooky reputation in Kerry for brutality, including the execution of anger prisoners with mines. However, unlike British reprisals in the Angloirlandic war, the national army generally directed their attacks against specific individuals, not entire communities. The guerrilla campaign of IRA at the end of 1922 began to stagger in front of government executions, and the Republican cause was in trouble. In early

1923

, the moral of anger had collapsed and men were already dissolving and returning home.

Politically also, the anti-Treaty side was in Jirones. Valera was increasingly linked by military leaders and failed to form a viable political alternative to the free state. Meanwhile, as the National Army changed to Cordon and search operations, more combatants and anger leaders were arrested or killed. On April 10, the National Army troops fatally wounded Liam Lynch in Waterford County. At the time of his death, 12,000 anger fighters were in custody. Lynch's replacement, Frank Aiken, understood that the fight was over. On May 24,

1923

, he ordered that all the remaining republican units leave their weapons and go home. The Joint Declaration of Valera suggested that future operations could be possible, but in reality the Irish civil war had ended: "The additional struggle on its part would now be in vain and the continuation of the fight in arms imprude in the national interest.

It should allow the military victory to rest at the moment with those who have destroyed the Republic." (Cottrell 187) At the end of the fight, some 750 pro-traced troops had been killed, along with a similar anti-treatment number, at least 78 of which were executed by the free state. So why the anger, which seemed so effective against the British, failed against the National Army just a year later? Historians have suggested several reasons. First, Ira, a mostly irregular formation, was not adequate to position war or defensive battles. Liam Lynch's decision not to press Dublin has been criticized, since he gave the provisional government time to breathe, receive British support and eliminate isolated anger brigades.

Many national army officers were former anger men, so they understood anger tactics and even knew the locations of the security houses and caches. The occupation of the four courts has also been highlighted as naive, wasteful and poorly executed. Even at that time, Ira commanders were criticized for acting as common soldiers, and many were captured as a result. But perhaps the most critical problem for anger was the lack of public support. The occupation of the four courts did not receive the sympathy of the increase in Easter in 1916, and throughout the Civil War, Ira commanders complained about local hostility in some regions.

The anti-Treaty leader, Harry Boland, admitted that the population was against them: "There is no doubt that people in general are against us today, believing that we are to blame for the current state of things." (Hopkinson 127/128) Part of the public opposition to anger was based on the terrible economic situation. Many of the anti-tried regions were the most economically damaged by the Anglo-Landless war and anger activities, and the need to increase finance of limited economic recovery. The attacks of anger in the railroads in particular obtained public contempt. For a considerable part of the public, the free state seemed to be the only institution capable of providing security, peace and economic recovery after years of conflict.

The anger was no longer the face of popular rebellion, and although wear guerrillas tactics worked against a "foreign occupant" perceived, they were much less effective against a government to a large extent as legitimate. But, the end of the civil war was not the end of violence, especially in the north divided. Sectary violence and murders would continue, even after Ireland obtained the full independence of Great Britain in 1937. In the 1960s, rival paramilitary organizations, some of which claimed the continuation of the IRA, would participate in a 30 -year conflict in Ireland of the North, simply called "the problems." Only in 1998, after almost a century of violence, the agreements of Good Friday and Belfast brought peace to Ireland that has lasted more than twenty years.

The bitter and tragic Irish civil war is only one of the conflicts that we believe it is important to cover in our documentaries. We also made an epic

documentary

about the battle of Berlin in 1945 called 16 days in Berlin: it is 4.5 hours for 18 episodes, taking you through the battle day by day. Presents images of original films of Soviet cameramen, never seen before the battle, detailed maps and animations and interviews of experts with David Willey of the Museum of the Tanquis, Ian of forgotten weapons and more. Unfortunately, we cannot upload this series to YouTube because it shows the gloomy reality of World War II, and that would demolish or worse.

So where can you see 16 days in Berlin in 4K resolution? In Nebula, a transmission service that we build along with other creators and where we can charge, we want to thank Mark Newton for his help with this episode. As usual, you can find all our sources for this episode in the video description. I am Jesse Alexander and this is the great war, a real -time history production and the only YouTube history channel that believes that there is no doubt that people in general are with us.