President Obama Addresses the British Parliament

Speaker: Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, history is more than the path left by the past. It influences the present and can shape the future. We meet today in Westminster Hall, a construction begun 900 years ago when the Vikings visited the shores of what would become the United States, although it was Columbus who would later demonstrate the politician's art of arriving late, but taking all the credit. (laughter) This hall has witnessed grim trials in the death sentence of a king, coronation banquets, ceremonial speeches and the coffins of those receiving the last respects of our people. Few places reach this far into the heart of our nation.

However, to date, no American

president

has taken these steps to address our country's Parliament. It is my honor, Mr. President, to welcome you as a friend and statesman. The ability to govern is the cement that seals our shared idealism as nations. It makes significant the unity of ambition, passion for freedom and abhorrence of injustice that is the calling of our close alliance. It is up to you to address domestic economic turbulence, protect the health of those without wealth, and seek that precious balance between security, which is too often threatened, and human rights, which are too often denied.

History is not the burden of a single man or woman. But some are called to face a special part of their challenges. It is a duty that you fulfill with a dignity, determination and distinction that are widely admired. Abraham Lincoln once observed that almost all men can endure adversity. But if you want to test a man's character, give him power. Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama. (applause) President Obama: Thank you very much. (applause) Thank you very much. Thank you. (applause) Thank you. (applause) Thank you very much. (Applause) Mr Chancellor, Mr President, Mr Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen, Members of the House of Commons, I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments in Westminster Hall.

I'm told the last three speakers here have been the Pope, His Majesty the Queen and Nelson Mandela, which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke. (Laughter) I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest and strongest alliances the world has ever known. It has long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we also share a particularly active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of stress or strain. Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs.

It's true that ours got off on the wrong foot with a little mess over tea and taxes. (laughter) There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was burned during the War of 1812. (laughter) But, fortunately, everything has been going smoothly since then. The reason for this close friendship has not only to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments. Our relationship is special because of the values ​​and beliefs that have united our people through the centuries. Centuries ago, when kings, emperors and warlords ruled much of the world, it was the English who first enunciated the rights and freedoms of man in the Magna Carta.

It was here, in this very room, that the rule of law was first developed, courts were established, disputes were resolved, and citizens came to petition their leaders. Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Driven by Enlightenment ideals, they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights and invest the power to govern in an elected

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that meets here today. What began on this island would inspire millions of people across the European continent and around the world. But perhaps no one was more inspired by these notions of freedom than the agitating settlers on the other side of the Atlantic.

As Winston Churchill said, "...Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence." For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents has been difficult at times and has always been a work in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing for freedom and human dignity is neither English nor American nor Western: It is universal and expires. in every heart.

Perhaps that is why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder and fight harder to defend democratic values ​​around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom. We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the advance of tyranny and help prosperity blossom from the ruins of war. And with the founding of NATO – a British idea – we joined a transatlantic alliance that has guaranteed our security for more than half a century. Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace out of a cold war.

When the Iron Curtain rose, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe and built new bridges with Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there were conflicts in the Balkans, we worked together to keep the peace. Today, after a difficult decade that began with a war and ended in a recession, our nations have once again reached a crucial moment. A global economy that was once on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, the United States has withdrawn 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has withdrawn its forces, and our combat mission there has ended.

In Afghanistan, we have broken the momentum of the Taliban and will soon begin a transition to Afghan leadership. And almost ten years after 9/11, we have dismantled terrorist networks and dealt Al Qaeda a severe blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden. Together we have faced great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, we are presented with profound challenges. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy. As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the proliferation of nuclear weapons, confront climate change, and combat hunger and disease.

And as a revolution advances through the streets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has an interest in the aspirations of a generation that yearns to determine its own destiny. These challenges arise at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century. Countries like China, India and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this development as it has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty around the world and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations. And yet, as this rapid change has occurred, it has become fashionable in some quarters to wonder whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European influence around the world.

Perhaps, it is argued, these nations represent the future and the time of our leadership has passed. That argument is wrong. The time for our leadership is now. It was the United States, the United Kingdom, and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could prosper. And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just century. At a time when threats and challenges demand nations work together, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action.

In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, strengthened by our commitment to the basic security of our citizens, that offers the best chances for prosperity that is both strong and shared. While millions of people are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, what they believe, or the type of government they live under, we are the nations most willing to defend the values ​​of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace. and dignity. Now, this doesn't mean we can afford to sit still.

The nature of our leadership will have to change with the times. As I said when I first came to London as President, for the G20 summit, gone are the days when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world's problems over a glass of brandy - although I'm sure the Prime Minister Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both do with a stiff drink. (laughter) In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era. That starts with our economic leadership.

Adam Smith's central idea remains valid today: there is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women. That is what led to the Industrial Revolution which began in the factories of Manchester. That's what led to the dawn of the Information Age that emerged from the office parks of Silicon Valley. That's why countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing so quickly: because they are, in fits and starts, moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced. In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely a product of our own creation.

And today, competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-thinking; countries with the most creative, innovative and entrepreneurial citizens. That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. Because from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to cutting-edge science and research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies. We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and universities on the planet. But to maintain this advantage in a world that is more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering and renew our national commitments to educate our workforce.

In recent years we have also been reminded that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both of our nations implemented regulatory frameworks to address such market failures: safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were put in place to prevent pollution of our air and water during the 1970s. But in today's economy, those threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any country. Market failures can become global, viral, and demand international responses. A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must continue working in forums like the G20 to establish global rules to prevent future excesses and abuses.

No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must take advantage of what was achieved in Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a safer and cleaner planet. Furthermore, even when the free market works as it should, both countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff can affect any of us. And so, part of our common tradition has been expressed in the conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security: medical care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a life of hard work.

This commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world. And now, having gone through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we are not consuming – and therefore consuming – with a level of debt that could sap strength and vitality. of our economies. And that will require difficult decisions and will require different paths for our two countries. But we have faced similar challenges before and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilitiesthat we have with each other. And I think we can do it again.

As we do so, the successes and failures of our own past can serve as an example to emerging economies: that it is possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces and the investments it makes in its people and infrastructure. And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, we must also safeguard their safety. Both of our nations know what it is like to confront evil in the world. Hitler's armies would not have stopped killing if we had not fought them on the beaches and in the landing fields, in the fields and in the streets.

We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war. It was won thanks to the courage and character of our people. Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough to defend this continent and at the same time deter our enemies. At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article Five: that no NATO nation will be left to stand alone; that allies will support each other, always. And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful alliance in human history.

Today we face a different enemy. Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and London. And as Al Qaeda pursues a religious war with the West, we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims (men, women and children) around the world. Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam. Our fight focuses on defeating Al Qaeda and its extremist allies. In that effort, we will not give in, as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned. And as we fight an enemy that respects no laws of war, we will continue to demand higher standards—living in accordance with the values, the rule of law, and due process that we so fervently defend.

For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of these efforts. Throughout those years, you, the British people, have been a staunch ally, along with many others fighting alongside us. Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who have served and sacrificed over the past years, for they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for the freedoms we enjoy. Thanks to them, we have broken the Taliban's momentum. Thanks to them, we have developed the capacity of the Afghan security forces. And thanks to them, we are now preparing to turn around Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan leadership.

And during this transition, we will seek lasting peace with those who free themselves from Al Qaeda, respect the Afghan constitution, and lay down their arms. And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe haven for terrorism, but rather a strong, sovereign country capable of taking care of itself. Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to a new concept of NATO that will give us the capabilities necessary to confront new threats: threats such as terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks and ballistic missiles. But a revitalized NATO will continue to adhere to that original vision of its founders, allowing us to mobilize collective action for the defense of our people, while building on the broader belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations have rights and responsibilities, and that all nations share a common interest in an international architecture that maintains peace.

We also share a common interest in stopping the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Around the world, nations are blocking nuclear materials so they never fall into the wrong hands, thanks to our leadership. From North Korea to Iran, we have sent the message that those who flaunt their obligations will face consequences, which is why the United States and the European Union recently strengthened our sanctions against Iran, largely thanks to the leadership of the United Kingdom. and the United States. And while we hold others accountable, we will fulfill our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty and fight for a world without nuclear weapons.

We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threaten to tear apart entire regions. In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to step back from the brink of violence and choose the path of peace. And in the Middle East, we are united in our support for a secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine. And we share a common interest in development that promotes dignity and security. To succeed, we must let go of the impulse to view impoverished areas of the world as places for charity.

Instead, we should harness the same forces that have allowed our own people to prosper: we should help the hungry feed, the doctors care for the sick. We should support countries that face corruption and allow their people to innovate. And we must promote the truth that nations prosper when they enable women and girls to reach their full potential. We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; We believe in the rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guided us throughout our fight against fascism and our twilight fight against communism. And today that idea is being tested in the Middle East and North Africa.

In country after country, people are mobilizing to free themselves from the iron fist. And while these movements for change are only six months old, we have seen them unfold before: from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia. History tells us that democracy is not easy. It will be years before these revolutions come to an end, and there will be difficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without a fight, especially in places where there are tribal and sect divisions. We also know that populism can take dangerous turns, from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny the rights of minorities to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century.

But make no mistake: what we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don't want to be free or don't need democracy imposed on them. It was a rebuke to Al Qaeda's worldview, which stifles the rights of individuals and would therefore subject them to perpetual poverty and violence. Let there be no doubt: the United States and the United Kingdom are fully on the side of those who long to be free.

And now we must show that we will back up those words with actions. That means investing in the future of those nations transitioning to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt, deepening trade ties; helping them show that freedom brings prosperity. And that means defending universal rights: sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society and supporting minority rights. We do this knowing that the West must overcome the suspicion and distrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa, a distrust that has its roots in a difficult past. For years, we have faced accusations of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms they hear us defend.

Therefore, we must openly acknowledge to them that yes, we have lasting interests in the region: fighting terrorism, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions to global energy supplies. But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy. Because our idealism is rooted in the realities of history: that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are most successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have. It is that truth that guides our action in Libya.

It would have been easy at the beginning of the repression in Libya to say that none of this was our business, that the sovereignty of a nation is more important than the killing of civilians within its borders. That argument has weight for some. But we are different. We assume a broader responsibility. And while we cannot stop all injustices, there are circumstances that surpass our caution: when a leader threatens to massacre his people and the international community calls for action. That's why we stopped a massacre in Libya. And we will not give in until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.

We will proceed with humility and knowing that we cannot dictate all outcomes abroad. Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from outside. But we can and must support those who fight so hard. Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people's children and grandchildren are more prosperous and freer, from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans and Benghazi. Those are our interests and our ideals. And if we don't fulfill that responsibility, who would take our place and what kind of world would we leave behind?

Our action – our leadership – is essential to the cause of human dignity. That is why we must act (and lead) with confidence in our ideals and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today. Because there is one final quality that I believe makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable at this moment in history. And that is how we define ourselves as nations. Unlike most countries in the world, we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity. Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it is about believing in a certain set of ideals: the rights of individuals, the rule of law.

That's why we have incredible diversity within our borders. That's why right now there are people all over the world who believe that if they come to America, if they come to New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans; If they come to England, they can start a new life and sing God Save The Queen like any other citizen. Yes, our diversity can create tension. And throughout our history there have been heated debates about immigration and assimilation in both of our countries. But even if these debates may be difficult, we fundamentally recognize that our mosaic heritage is an enormous strength: that in a world that will become smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations says that it is possible for people to stand together. . by their ideals, rather than divided by their differences; that it is possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass; that it is possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies to sit here as members of this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the British army to stand before you as President of the United States. (Applause) That is what defines us.

That is why young men and women on the streets of Damascus and Cairo still fight for the rights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimes differ from our policies. As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the world, we must always remember that the true source of our influence has not been just the size of our economies, or the reach of our armies, or the land we have claimed. They have been the values ​​that we should never hesitate to defend throughout the world: the idea that all beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.

That is what our bond was forged in the fires of war: a bond that manifests itself in the friendship between two of our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences. They were keen observers of each other's blind spots and shortcomings, if not always their own, and were stubborn about their ability to remake the world. But what united the destinies of these two men at that particular moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on the battlefield. It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human freedom and dignity: a conviction that we have a say in how this story ends.

This conviction is still alive in his town today. The challenges we face are great. The work ahead of us is hard. But we have been through a difficult decade, and whenever the trials and tests that lie ahead seem too great or too much, let us turn to his example and to the words Churchill spoke on the day Europe was liberated: "In the long years ahead, not only the people of this island but... the world, wherever the bird of freedom sings in the human heart, will look back at what we have done, and say 'do not despair, do not give in'...

Let us march straight.'" With courage and purpose, with humility and hope, with faith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march straight together, lasting allies in the cause of aworld that is more peaceful, more prosperous and more just. Thank you so much. (applause) Speaker: Mr. President, I think that response describes far more eloquently than any of my words how much that memorable and inspiring speech was appreciated by all who heard it here today. They spoke... (applause) They spoke with great warmth and generosity about the British Parliament and the British people and about the ties that bind us, the values ​​and traditions that we share.

The history we have lived together. But more than that, you talked not only about relationships of the past, but also relationships of the future. And I think that's what made what you said so inspiring. It was a distinguished American governor of New York who highlighted the propensity of politicians to campaign in poetry, but to govern in prose. The world you described to us today was not simply prosaic; It was one where the challenges are difficult and sometimes dangerous. One that moves quickly, that is complex, sometimes contradictory. And that offers at least as many threats as opportunities.

But in the eloquence of his speech, he reminded us of the importance of maintaining poetry in government. Because to lead, that poetry is necessary. It is necessary not only to articulate the challenges, as you did masterfully. But also unite others to face those challenges with common principles and a shared purpose. Mr. President, it has been a privilege for all of us to hear you speak today. It is my privilege to have the responsibility of thanking you on behalf of both Houses of Parliament for your visit to Westminster and to wish you and Mrs Obama a very happy and enjoyable remainder of your stay in the United Kingdom.

Thank you so much. (applause)